South Sudan: A Civil War by Any Other Name

Africa Report N°21710 Apr 2014

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

On 15 December 2013 the world’s newest state descended into civil war. Continuing fighting has displaced more than 1,000,000 and killed over 10,000 while a humanitarian crisis threatens many more. Both South Sudanese and the international community were ill-prepared to prevent or halt the conflict: the nation’s closest allies did little to mediate leadership divisions within the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement’s (SPLM). The SPLM and its army (SPLA) quickly split along divisions largely unaddressed from the independence war. Were it not for the intervention of Uganda and allied rebel and militia groups, the SPLA would likely not have been able to hold Juba or recapture lost territory. The war risks tearing the country further apart and is pulling in regional states. Resolving the conflict requires not a quick fix but sustained domestic and international commitment. Governance, including SPLM and SPLA reform and communal relations, must be on the table. Religious and community leaders, civil society and women are critical to this process and must not be excluded.

Although the dispute within the SPLM that led to the conflict was primarily political, ethnic targeting, communal mobilisation and spiralling violence quickly led to appalling levels of brutality against civilians, including deliberate killings inside churches and hospitals. Dinka elements of the Presidential Guard and other security organs engaged in systematic violence against Nuer in Juba in the early days. Armed actors, including the Nuer White Army, responded by targeting Dinka and other civilians in more than a dozen locations. Other communities are being drawn into the conflict and there is an increasing possibility of more significant foreign intervention.

The regional organisation, the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), responded quickly. Three envoys, Ambassador Seyoum Mesfin (Ethiopia), General Lazarus Sumbeiywo (Kenya) and General Mohammed Ahmed Mustafa al-Dhabi (Sudan) shuttled between Juba, Addis Ababa, where peace talks have been held, and opposition-controlled territory and, after weeks of pressure and negotiation, obtained a cessation of hostilities. However, this was violated almost immediately, and fighting continues, as a monitoring and verification mission struggles to establish itself on the ground.

Neighbouring Uganda (also an IGAD member), as well as forces associated with Sudanese armed opposition groups, notably the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), intervened early in support of the South Sudanese government. That in turn may yet trigger Sudan government support to the SPLA in Opposition. Announced plans for an IGAD-led force, about which there are critical mandate, composition and funding questions, raises the prospect of even greater regional involvement in the civil war.

The UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) is hosting almost 70,000 civilians fleeing ethnic reprisals, but its badly outgunned peacekeepers are no match for the thousands of heavily armed forces and militias. It has already come under attack, including a fatal one in Jonglei, while protecting civilians. In at least five locations, South Sudanese seeking protection have been targeted and killed by armed actors in or around UNMISS bases. Increasingly hostile rhetoric from government officials and some opposition commanders and limitations on its freedom of movement are additional challenges. The reprioritisation of its mandated tasks has essentially divided the country in two for the beleaguered UNMISS: it remains impartial in one part, while supporting the government in another. This decision will do little to clarify its role for South Sudanese and should be reviewed before the mandate is renewed.

As peace talks stall, the civil war rages on. To prevent further catastrophe, the country’s leaders and its international partners need to consider a radical restructuring of the state. Propping up the government in Juba and polishing its legitimacy with a dose of political dialogue and a dash of power sharing will not end the conflict. New constituencies have to be admitted to a national dialogue and their perspectives respected, including armed groups and disaffected communities that go beyond the contending forces within the SPLM/A, as well as women and civil society more generally. These constituencies are critical to rebuilding the SPLM, increasing democratic space within and beyond the party, drafting a national constitution and preparing for credible national elections. If these processes are to be viable, they will not be able to proceed according to the pre-war timeline. Political commitments must match the new realities. The country needs fundamental reworking of the governance agreement between and within elites and communities if a negotiated settlement is to lead to a sustainable peace.

RECOMMENDATIONS

To address immediately the deteriorating political, security and humanitarian situation

To the UN Security Council:

1.  Amend the mandate of the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) to ensure it is consistent across the country and emphasises protection of civilians, human rights reporting, support for the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) mediation process and logistical help for the African Union (AU) Commission of Inquiry.

2.  Signal clearly that leaders will be held responsible for the actions of troops they command, and any interference with UNMISS and humanitarian operations may give rise to targeted sanctions.

3.  Ensure that any support provided to an IGAD or other regional force is consis­tent with and does not undermine UNMISS’ ability to carry out its mandated tasks, particularly its protection of civilians responsibilities.

To UNMISS:

4.  Communicate more effectively to all parties the parameters of its refocused mandate, including its Chapter VII protection of civilians responsibility, and respond consistently to increasing restrictions and violations of its status of forces agreement with the government of South Sudan that undermine its ability to carry out the tasks assigned by the Security Council.

To armed actors:

5.  Enable impartial humanitarian access to civilians in need and do not link this access to the cessation of hostilities or any other agreement.

6.  Comply with international humanitarian law, specifically:

a) halt the targeting of civilians, including by stopping combat operations in areas where civilians cannot be distinguished from combatants and avoiding combat in areas around UN bases where those seeking protection are sheltered; and

b) end the looting and destruction of humanitarian facilities.

To promote inclusive political dialogue, ensure accountability for war crimes and atrocities and prevent further regionalisation of the conflict

To South Sudanese actors, IGAD, the AU and other international partners:

7.  Establish three separate negotiation tracks – focused on the SPLM, armed groups and communal conflict – that are appropriately sequenced and contribute to the broader process of national political dialogue.

8.  Discuss and plan interim political and military arrangements that go beyond simple power sharing between the elites driving the conflict to bring in an inclusive group of South Sudanese who reflect the country’s political and ethnic diversity, as well as regional figures.

9.  Include in the peace process South Sudanese civil society representatives, such as religious leaders, community-based organisations, youth leaders, women’s associations and others.

10.  Recognise that engagement with all armed groups and militarised communities is critical to sustainable conflict resolution and that failure to do so will undermine the mediation and may make spoilers of those who could otherwise be constructively engaged in national processes.

11.  Ensure that truth, justice, and reconciliation are part of a process to address mass atrocities and prevent further conflict.

12.  Provide the AU Commission of Inquiry into Human Rights Abuses adequate staff, time and resources to consult widely when formulating its recommendations, including with the parties in conflict, civil society, religious organisations and communities.

13.  Consider a hybrid tribunal with South Sudanese and international judges, similar to the Special Court for Sierra Leone, as a vehicle through which to obtain concrete and visible justice for the people of South Sudan.

14.  Deploy an IGAD or other regional force only if:

a) it has a clear mandate that supports a political resolution of the conflict;

b) there are adequate troops and financial resources available for speedy deployment; and

c) adequate precautions are put in place to ensure it works toward a shared political vision and not troop contributors’ individual interests.

15.  Increase political coordination between the IGAD mediation process and the African Union High-Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP) for Sudan and South Sudan, as tensions continue to increase between the two states.

16.  Establish a Contact Group that includes IGAD, the AU, UN, Troika (U.S., UK and Norway), European Union (EU), China and South Africa to facilitate discussions on the way forward and coordination between international actors.

17.  Avoid competing, parallel and piecemeal efforts by ensuring that no donor or externally driven peace and reconciliation projects, or politically sensitive development work, is undertaken in isolation from the national processes; and engage to improve any national processes that are not legitimate rather than advance alternatives. (ICG)

Addis Ababa/Juba/Nairobi/Brussels, 10 April 2014

Palm Sunday Meditation

Palm Sunday Meditation...
Today we are that donkey that leads Jesus into the world, reveals him and speaks of him as the late Cardinal Lustiger of Paris used to say. This is a beautiful picture because it reminds us that Jesus did not want to be led by imposing mounts but by the small and humble ones.

     Jesus is a "poor" King and, therefore, is a King of peace who chose the Cross as a throne. He is a brave King because he enters Jerusalem knowing that he will meet the Crucifixion to ripen his fruit only beyond the Cross, passing through it to enter into eternal life: "Unless a grain of wheat falls to the ground and dies, it remains just a grain of wheat; but if it dies, it produces much fruit. Whoever loves his life loses it, and whoever hates his life in this world will preserve it for eternal life "(Jn 12: 24-25).

     The cross which is a symbol of death and a symbol of a curse that is the expression of the worst of all sentences, with Christ and for Christ becomes the instrument of elevation of all mankind and the entire universe in the glory of God (cf. St. Ignatius of Antioch).

      This is the Christian paradox:  the one who orients himself to the eternal Kingdom following the instructions of Jesus Christ, is meek ​​, merciful, a peacemaker, pure in heart and thirsting for God’s justice and is able to change the history of the world in a deeper and more efficient way than the power-holders for whom nothing is more important than supremacy.

     It follows that the Cross is required. As Christians, we must not only direct our gaze to the permanent Kingdom beyond death and preach it. Together with Christ, we must live the need of the Cross for us so that for the Church and for the world  we can complete in our body what is still in ourselves lacking in the Passion of Christ ( cf. Col 1: 24).

(Mons. Francesco Follo at Zenit)

The 5th Sunday of Lent (A)

The 5^th Sunday of Lent (A): The Raising of Lazarus

Readings: Ezekiel 37: 12-14; Romans 8: 8-11; John 11: 1-45

Text:  And when Jesus had said this, he cried out in a loud voice, "Lazarus, come out!" (John 11: 43)

Meditation:  The drama of raising Lazarus from the dead confronts us anew of the same question asked of Marta and Mary… "I am the resurrection and the life; whoever believes in me, even if he dies, will live, and everyone who lives and believes in me will never die. Do you believe this?"

We need to hear the call of Jesus, the Lord, anew… and come out from the tomb of fear, unbelief, powerlessness and isolation. Let us all come out from the tomb of impotence that is ourselves…

Visit:  www.badaliyya.blogspot.com

DHIKR SIMPLE METHOD

1st step: Write the text or Dhikr (the Arabic word for REMEMBRANCE) in your heart.

2nd step: Let the text remain always in on your lips and mind - RECITING the text silently as often as possible...

3rd step:  Be attentive to the disclosure of the meaning/s of the text in your life.

The Diocese of Yei in Photos

The Blind Man

"While I am in the world, I am the light of the world." (John 9: 5)

Short Reflection for the 4th Sunday in Lent (A)

Dhikr for the 4^th Sunday of Lent (A): The Blind Man

Readings: I Samuel 16: 1. 6-7. 10-13; Ephesians 5: 8-14; John 9: 1-41

Gospel Passage:  Then Jesus said, "I came into this world for judgment, so that those who do not see might see, and those who do see might become blind." (John 9: 39)

Meditation:  Jesus Christ becomes the lens for seeing and not seeing… Through him we do see/not see the poor, the needy, and the injustice and the wrong against neighbors. 

Pope Emeritus Benedict wrote about today’s Gospel: “The Gospel confronts each one of us with the question: “Do you believe in the Son of man?” “Lord, I believe!” (Jn 9:35; 38), the man born blind joyfully exclaims, giving voice to all believers. The miracle of this healing is a sign that Christ wants not only to give us sight, but also open our interior vision, so that our faith may become ever deeper and we may recognize him as our only Savior. He illuminates all that is dark in life and leads men and women to live as “children of the light.”

Lent is a season for seeing…

Loving Others Is the Way to Peace!

“Let us be wary of mass solutions, let us be wary of statistics. We must love our neighbors as ourselves. To be sure, helping persons individually naturally implies that one cannot help them all, at least not directly.”

“There is perhaps no surer road to peace than the one that starts from little islands and oases of genuine kindness, island and oases constantly growing in number and being continually joined together until eventually they ring the world.”

“The union between two people who rediscover their dignity while working together to save a third, rids us of many of the barriers of prejudices, narrow-mindedness, and discrimination that poison human love and sap its strength. We must now have faith in the power of love and set it to work.”

(Fr. Dominique Pire, OP - 1958 Nobel Peace Laureate)

5th Sunday in Ordinary Time (A)

Dhikr for the 5th Sunday in the ordinary time (A)

 Readings: Isaiah 58: 7-10; I Corinthians 2: 1-5; Matthew 5: 13-16

 Text: “You are the salt of the earth; but if salt has lost its taste, how shall its saltness be restored? It is no longer good for anything except to be thrown out and trodden under foot by men.” (Matthew 5: 13)

 Meditation:  Christians are called to give taste to both individual and communal lives. In modern parlance, the taste or flavor to life is the ‘value added’ of Christianity or of following Jesus.  Translated into concrete lives… this means walking the extra mile… giving also our coat as well… loving our enemies or doing and living that ‘MORE’ that is required of Jesus’ disciples.

Visit:  www.badaliyya.blogspot.com

DHIKR SIMPLE METHOD

1st step: Write the text or Dhikr (the Arabic word for REMEMBRANCE) in your heart.

2nd step: Let the text remain always in on your lips and mind - RECITING the text silently as often as possible...

3rd step:  Be attentive to the disclosure of the meaning/s of the text in your life.

Sudan and South Sudan Bishops' Conference Pastoral Exhortation

PASTORAL EXHORTATION

FROM THE CATHOLIC BISHOPS OF SUDAN AND SOUTH SUDAN

Meeting in Juba from 21st - 31st January 2014

LET US REFOUND OUR NATION ON A NEW COVENANT

The Lord said to Moses, 'Go down at once! Your people, whom you brought up out of the land of Egypt, have acted perversely; they have been quick to turn aside from the way that I commanded them'. (Exodus

32:7-8)

Preamble

The Catholic bishops of Sudan and South Sudan, meeting in Extraordinary Plenary assembly of the Sudan Catholic Bishops'

Conference in Juba, South Sudan, from 21st to 31st January 2014, address this Pastoral Exhortation to the people of the two nations and to all people of good will who journey with us. We welcome the new Papal Nuncio to South Sudan, Archbishop Charles Daniel Balvo. We are grateful for the presence amongst us of our brother bishops from the Association of Member Episcopal Conferences of Eastern Africa (AMECEA) and for their message of solidarity. We encourage them to advocate on our behalf with the member governments of the African Union and IGAD as they lead international peace efforts.

We meet at a time of crisis, perhaps one of the gravest situations we have ever faced. Our vision of a liberated nation in which all people will be equal and live in peace appears to be shattered. The blood of the innocent, in their thousands, cries out from the ground! The Lord will judge harshly those who continue to murder, rape and loot his innocent children, and even more harshly those who incite this violence and fail to prevent it in their greed for power. We affirm the dignity and right to life of every human being created in God's image and likeness. The cease-fire signed on 23rd January 2014 must be implemented in good faith. There are no excuses for not doing so.

Then the Lord said to Cain, 'Where is your brother Abel?' He said, 'I do not know; am I my brother's keeper?' And the Lord said, 'What have you done? Listen; your brother's blood is crying out to me from the ground! (Genesis 4:9-10)

At this time more than ever, the bold Prophetic Voice of the Church needs to be heard, and we speak from our hearts. You are your brother's and sister's keeper! In November 2010 and again in April

2011 we wrote, "Sudan will never be the same again"; in January 2014 we say, "South Sudan must never be the same again". There is no longer "business as usual". Now is the time for our nation to rise from the ashes, but not to take up where the old one left off. Now is the time for a new nation.

However Jesus came not to condemn but to redeem. We too do not condemn individuals, but we condemn evil and seek to heal both individuals and our nation. We call for repentance and conversion of heart. Let those who have committed atrocities admit it honestly. Admission of guilt is a virtue, not a weakness. We invite the prodigal son to return to the family, the lost sheep to the fold, the sinner to right behaviour.

We have been shocked by the events that have rocked our new nation since December 2013. We have witnessed things that should never have taken place on the soil of this nation, as brother fought against brother, leading to so much unnecessary death and displacement of individuals and communities, with many fleeing as refugees to neighbouring countries, and the most appalling destruction. We cannot remain silent in the face of what we have witnessed and heard. We speak on behalf of those who have spoken to us, people now displaced and destitute. We speak on behalf of the silent victims of our two nations. Violence is the daily experience of so many of our peoples in South Sudan, Darfur, the Nuba Mountains, Abyei and Blue Nile.

Causes of the Conflict

We must no longer be children, tossed to and fro and blown about by every wind of doctrine, by people's trickery, by their craftiness in deceitful scheming. But speaking the truth in love, we must grow up in every way into him who is the head, into Christ. (Ephesians 4:14-15)

This crisis has been caused by many issues which need to be addressed:

a. We have witnessed the growing tensions within the governing party, the SPLM. The failure to deal with these through internal party mechanisms has played a significant role in the escalation of tension that preceded the violence that erupted on 15th December 2013.

Democratic reform is urgently required within the SPLM. Internal party disputes should not be allowed to destabilise the nation.

b. We stress the need for better governance. Too often we see the tendency to personalise political power, to behave in ways counter to the best interests of our communities, a failure to appreciate that public office is a service to the people. Our institutions across the country need to be staffed by individuals chosen for their competency and professionalism.

c. Corruption and nepotism have contributed to the destabilisation of South Sudan. This has prevented basic services from reaching the people and is breeding resentment and disillusionment towards the institutions of our state.

d. Our history is an open wound that desperately needs healing. We must heal our society by allowing our communities to tell their stories openly and without fear. Negative narratives fester and poison our social relations. We retell them in our villages to our children.

Let us end these vicious cycles by creating space where we can speak and work towards peaceful coexistence and reconciliation.

THE WAY FORWARD...

Truth and Reconciliation

The reconciliation we seek is a process that involves truth telling, knowing what happened when violence erupted between various communities, and why. Thereafter one can speak of accountability, restitution, forgiveness, and peaceful coexistence. There are no quick-fixes to the deep social divisions and trauma within our society. With time and by promoting processes that are holistic and people-centred, we believe that our painful history and our trauma can be healed and our nation reconciled. This is our expectation of the National Committee on Healing, Peace and Reconciliation. This Church-led committee must not fail in its important mission. However reconciliation is not only the work of specialised committees.

Reconciliation must become the single most important priority at every level of national life. The National Budget must reflect this, as must the plans of all ministries, government bodies, UN agencies, NGOs (including international NGOs) and all institutions and individuals.

Inclusive Negotiations

We are critical of the exclusion of the Churches and other civic forces from the peace talks in Addis Ababa, not for the first time; they were excluded from the IGAD talks which led to the CPA in 2005, despite the leading role the Churches had played in advocacy and working for peace. In 2013, Churches were asked to lead the Committee for National Healing, Peace and Reconciliation, and to negotiate an end to the rebellion led by David Yau Yau in Jonglei State; in 2012, a Church leader was asked to chair the Jonglei peace process; previously Church leaders were asked to negotiate with George Athor. Why are Church and civic leaders now excluded from the ongoing IGAD talks? Why is it that only those who took up arms are discussing the future of our country? What is the legitimacy of any agreement signed in Addis Ababa built on military groups determining our future? A handful of political leaders instigated a crisis in which their followers have devastated the country; how can they alone be entrusted with negotiating the future of the nation without input from the citizens?

The message of peace is not about a negotiated settlement but rather the conviction that the unity brought by the Spirit can harmonize every diversity. It overcomes every conflict by creating a new and promising synthesis. Diversity is a beautiful thing when it can constantly enter into a process of reconciliation and seal a sort of cultural covenant resulting in a "reconciled diversity". (Evangelii Gaudium, 230)

Governance and Democratic Institutions

But those who want to be rich fall into temptation and are trapped by many senseless and harmful desires that plunge people into ruin and destruction. For the love of money is a root of all kinds of evil, and in their eagerness to be rich some have wandered away from the faith and pierced themselves with many pains. (1 Timothy 6:9-10)

Our young nation has embraced democracy as our political system of governance, which offers those who wish to stand for elected office and represent their communities an opportunity to do so. We must openly challenge each other on the future of our country, but we must ensure that our disagreements are dealt with openly and in a civil manner, firmly rejecting all recourse to violence. Resolving our problems through violent means reveals the lack of maturity and depth in our democratic system. We cannot allow South Sudan to fail due to the actions of a few who are immune to the suffering of their own people, who personalise political power, turning their positions of public service into opportunities for personal enrichment and nepotism. Our state institutions must be strong enough to prevent this, and public leaders must be mature and ethical in their service of this nation.

The country needs accountability and transparency from its elected leaders and government officials. There must be no impunity for crimes committed by political leaders, officials, armed forces, police and others. Impunity for senior leaders gives legitimacy to unacceptable behaviour patterns within our society.

Responsible Reporting and Public Communication

We are critical of the conduct of both national and international media institutions. It is often stated that truth is the first victim of war. We still do not know what actually happened to trigger the recent violence, as no investigation has yet been conducted, but the media quickly lost sight of their duty to report responsibly and impartially. Reports based on information which may not have been accurate inflamed violence and revenge attacks and induced panic.

Journalists and the whole of society must embrace their identity as peacemakers and reconcilers, ensuring that communication is truthful, and that negative stereotyping of communities does not happen.

Responsible reporting should not create hatred and violence.

We call upon our national leaders and all in public office to communicate responsibly. In the interest of peace, stability and national unity we urge them to refrain from hate speech, incitement to violence, propaganda, abuse, misinformation, untrue and exaggerated statements, unfounded allegations, speculations and rumours.

Reform of the Organised Forces

The reform of our organised forces, especially our national army and police, is urgent. Our army has grown in size since the signing of the CPA and has become a significant cost to our nation, at the expense of investment in development priorities. It lacks cohesion. We are conscious of the need to address reconciliation within the armed forces themselves. There is no longer any place for personal militias.

We believe our armed forces need urgent support and pastoral care. We also feel that our national army needs a new name, not associated with a single political party. A professional army should never be involved in politics.

We deplore the manner in which children have been conscripted and recruited into armed forces during the current conflict. Children have no place in the conflict. The manner in which our youth were manipulated has left much to be desired. We urge those who exploit the youth and incite them to illegal activities to desist.

We call upon all armed groups, whether government or opposition, whether formal or informal, to respect international norms for armed conflict. This includes respect for and protection of civilians, dignified treatment of prisoners of war, and refraining from extra-judicial killings. The Church and other agencies which assist the people have been targeted and looted; pastors from our sister churches have lost their lives and we fear for the safety of some of our own personnel. We insist on respect for institutions such as hospitals, churches and places where displaced civilians shelter

Education

Education is essential for the future of the nation, and for building peace and reconciliation. National schools can strengthen diversity.

Centres for peace and development studies can help the growth of the nation. Education can help people understand the structures and dynamics of society. But there must be more than simply academic education; it should include formation in moral and ethical values.

Many of our leaders are churchgoers, but their behaviour does not indicate a good moral life. We need to form consciences and professional ethics.

Violence in Sudan

As we focus on South Sudan, we remain painfully aware of the suffering of the peoples of the Nuba Mountains, Darfur and Blue Nile in Sudan, and the contested area of Abyei. Daily bombing causes great suffering and death to civilians. Confined in their own areas, they do not have access to food, medicines, vaccines and other humanitarian necessities. Women, children and the elderly shelter in caves. Many have been displaced. They too deserve justice and peace, the freedom to practice their own culture and religion, and full citizen rights in the land of their birth. The people of Abyei are yet to receive the official referendum which they were guaranteed in the CPA; we support their right to determine their own political future. South Sudanese and Christians in Sudan also deserve to have their basic human rights guaranteed, and we condemn attempts to harass and restrict the activities of the Church.

We Commit Ourselves

We commit ourselves to the rebuilding that is necessary within our new nation. The task ahead is daunting, but we stand in solidarity with those who need our support. We express our solidarity with our pastoral agents: local personnel, missionaries, and laity. They have chosen to stay with their people at great personal risk.

The Diocese of Malakal, covering the three states of Jonglei, Unity and Upper Nile, will receive our particular attention as we source more local personnel, missionaries and other resources to ensure that the immediate and long-term needs of this Diocese are supported. The humanitarian crisis in this Diocese is particularly acute and we appeal to all agencies, especially our own Caritas Internationalis family, to support these vulnerable communities through all possible means, while not forgetting the needs in other parts of our two countries. The presence of the Church in the rural parts of Greater Upper Nile will help to bring stability and human development.

We offer ourselves, our time and our energy, and the resources of our Church to support the mediation process.

We reiterate our support and ownership of the Committee for National Healing, Peace and Reconciliation.

We commit ourselves to continuing our long-standing education programmes.

We offer our Catholic Radio Network and other media resources to support the process of peace and reconciliation.

The Building of a New Nation

Jesus said, 'Everyone then who hears these words of mine and acts on them will be like a wise man who built his house on rock. The rain fell, the floods came, and the winds blew and beat on that house, but it did not fall, because it had been founded on rock. And everyone who hears these words of mine and does not act on them will be like a foolish man who built his house on sand. The rain fell, and the floods came, and the winds blew and beat against that house, and it fell--and great was its fall!' (Matthew 7:24-27)

We are convinced that we stand at a decisive moment in the history of South Sudan. Fundamental choices must be made about how we deal with our past and present history, about how we govern ourselves as a nation, about how state institutions serve the poor. We must seize from the present crisis an opportunity to re-found our nation on democratic principles of dialogue, inclusion, and respect for diversity, God's gift to humanity. We encourage that which strengthens diversity and weakens barriers. We need to work to support the notion that we are one nation sharing one identity, rich in culture, blessed by diversity, which is to be celebrated. Mature and strong leaders can help us to see beyond ourselves to that which is beautiful in our societies. Insecure leaders will remind us of our differences, drive wedges between our communities, and ultimately destroy us. Where are our Mandelas and Nyereres? Where are those who will lead us in re-founding this newly independent nation? We proclaim our hope and expectation that the people of South Sudan can and will rise above the crisis.

Let our nations be built not on foundations of sand but on strong foundations of truth, justice, reconciliation, diversity and peace, on the foundations of the Gospel values enshrined in Catholic Social Teaching. Hear these words and be wise!

When the crisis erupted, our people turned spontaneously to prayer. We call on the nation and all people of good will to continue to accompany the peace and reconciliation process with prayer and fasting. Furthermore, we appeal to our leaders to join their people in this endeavour.

May God bless you.

Given this 30th day of January 2014 in Juba, South Sudan.

H E Cardinal Gabriel Zubeir Wako

Archbishop of Khartoum

President of SCBC

H G Paulino Lukudu Loro

Archbishop of Juba

H L Erkolano Lodu Tombe

Bishop of Yei

Vice-President of SCBC

H L Rudolf Deng Majak

Bishop of Wau

H L Eduardo Hiiboro Kussala

Bishop of Tombura Yambio

H L Michael Didi Adgum

Bishop of El Obeid

Mgr Roko Taban Mousa

Apostolic Administrator of Malakal

Mgr Thomas Oliha Attiyah

Apostolic Administrator of Torit

H L Santo Loku Pio

Auxiliary Bishop of Archdiocese of Juba

H L Macram Max Gassis

Bishop Emeritus of El Obeid

Fr John Mathiang

Coordinator of Rumbek

South Sudan and Bloody Price of Autocracy

South Sudan Crisis: the Bloody Price of Autocracy

José Vieira | mercoledì 29 gennaio 2014

Four states of South Sudan descended once again into the hell of war after nine years of peace.The fighting started as a murky quarrel within the presidential guards on the evening of December 15 but the political leadership used it to quell the opposition within the ruling party. Meanwhile, the presidential fracas turned into an ethnic conflict in Juba and extended to Jonglei, Unity and Upper Nile states. Until mid-January, ten thousand people were killed and almost six hundred thousand displaced by the fighting.

The current crisis in South Sudan is portrayed as a political-struggle-turned-violent between President Salva Kiir Mayardit and former Vice President Riek Machar Teny. In fact, it is a fight between Kiir maneuvering to consolidate his power over the SPLM, South Sudan’s ruling party, and a number of historical leaders unhappy with his dictatorial drive.

Kiir did an excellent job during the interim period between 2005 and 2011. He kept southerners united, reining in warlords that during the civil war sided with Khartoum with amnesties and bribes, ignored the many “banana skins” Sudan dropped along the road to the referendum in a bid to derail the whole process.

The first sign of change in Kiir’s camp came prior to Independence Day during the review of the Interim Constitution that led to the Transition Constitution. Opposition and civil society groups were kept out of the process with the excuse that it was a minor exercise: the real constitutional review would be the draft of the Permanent Constitution. The Transitional Constitution Kiir signed and presented to the nation on July 9, 2011, on the occasion of the proclamation of independence, increased his powers substantially without proper checks and balances.

After the independence, the SPLM leadership, very active during the months that led to the referendum, went into limbo busy with their own lives. Kiir governed the country mostly through republican decrees read out at state-owned SSTV during the evening news. Sudd Institute, a very active research think-tank said 'the South Sudanese problem, however, is that their president has not been making that many public appearances, particularly as circumstances of national importance arise'.(See In 2013 Reflect Upon 2012: A Review of the New Year’s Call from President Kiir). It said Kiir was more a ruler than a leader.

The power struggle within the SPLM went on fire in February 2013 when its 19-member Political Bureau met in Juba to review the four key party documents: Constitution, Manifesto, Rules and Regulations and Code of Conduct. The four key documents should have been voted during an extraordinary Convention in March and a the party leadership renewed in May at the ordinary Convention. At the beginning of the politburo Vice President Riek Machar Teny, Secretary General Pagan Amum and presidential advisor Rebecca Nyandeng, John Garang’s widow, said they would contest the party’s leadership in the Convention.

They may have been working on the assumption that Kiir would not run for the presidency in 2015.He said many times that his job was to lead the nation to the referendum and implement its result. But Kiir changed ideas – or the people around him made him change them – and he tried to bury competition within the ruling party. The Political Bureau managed to pass the new SPLM Constitution and Manifesto but there was no consensus about Rules and Regulations and Code of Conduct, key documents to discipline party members. Another buzzer went off in May 2013: Kiir dismissed Justice Ajonge Perpetuar, the deputy head of the legal drafting team in the President´s Office. He also disqualified her as a first class judge through another republican decree, a clear breach of the separation of powers, sacrosanct in any functional democracy.

The discontent within and without the SPLM brewed: the country was under austerity since January 2012 and impunity and corruption continued to grow unchecked although Kiir declared zero tolerance to graft. At the end of July, the president dismissed the entire cabinet, including VP Machar. The move sided a number of gray party characters who passed from one ministry to another since 2005 without leaving any real mark. It also increased the opposition to Kiir that became more vocal.

Secretary General Amum gave an interview to private CTV in the cozy setting of a Juba hotel,blaming Kiir for almost all that went wrong in post-independence. Kiir suspended Amum, limited his movements, forbade any contact with the media and established a commission led by former speaker and new VP James Wani Igga to investigate the secretary-general. The tension upped in mid-November when Kiir inaugurated the SPLM House in Juba. He declared all party structures, including the Political Bureau and the National Liberation Council except the chairmanship, illegitimate since their mandate ended in May 2013 and 'the party was not functioning and dissolved itself' (http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article48843). A number of historic members of the politburo met on December 6 in Juba while the president was in Paris attending an African summit organized by the French government. In a stern statement they wrote that Kiir had 'dictatorial tendencies' and 'completely immobilized the party, abandoned collective leadership and jettisoned all democratic pretensions to decision making'(See the Press Statement By Riek Machar).

Kiir went ahead with the National Liberation Council on December 14 without the Political Bureau’s okay that statutory had the power to set its agenda. The fighting between Dinka and Nuer presidential guards in a Juba barrack took place at the end of the Council’s meeting on December 15. The soldiers’ quarrel changed into an all-out chasse for Nuer males in Juba. Human Rights Watch documented that in one incident alone soldiers slaughtered between 200 and 300 Nuer men in Gudele, Juba, on December 16 (See South Sudan: Soldiers Target Ethnic Group in Juba Fighting). On December 16, Kiir appeared on TV, donning presidential guard fatigues.

He announced that the army foiled an attempted coup led by Machar and supported by a number of disgruntled ministers that lost their job in July’s cabinet dismissal. Kiir quitted the army in 2010 to be able to run for the presidency of South Sudan. Security operatives arrested ten of the named coup plotters and another four went on the run including Machar.

Three days of fighting in Juba killed at least one thousand people. On December 18, Peter Gadet led an uprising in Bor. Gadet is a Nuer warlord that got the command of Division 8 in Jonglei State after he made peace with the government for the second time and was reintegrated in the army. At least one thousand people were killed in the combats. The army retook Bor one month later helped by Ugandan forces. The fighting extended to Unity and Upper Nile states and Bentiu and Malakal, the respective capitals, were controlled by rebel forces for a while.

The media portray South Sudan’s as a Kiir versus Machar struggle for power. What is happening is a struggle to control the SPLM between Kiir and his acolytes and historic party members that contest Kiir’s autocratic drive. The fight became ethnic due to old scores between Nuer and Dinka. In 1991, Nuer forces loyal to Machar killed some two thousand Dinka in Bor. Earlier, Machar broke away from the SPLM, contesting John Garang’s style of leadership, and sided with Khartoum.

For South Sudan to gain peace and start the journey of prosperity, the current national leadership has to pass on the rudder of the country to a younger generation with new ideas and attitudes. The old liberators took already enough reward for their part in the struggle towards independence: those in power pocketed billions of dollars since 2005. The time arrived for a generation of technocrats within the SPLM and from the civil society that are better prepared for the job of government.

The old guard, Kiir included, should retire to their cows, women and ‘merissa’ – the local beer – for the sake and the future of South Sudan.

The Feast of the Lord's Baptism (A)

Dhikr for the Feast of the Baptism of the Lord (A)

 Readings: Isaiah 42: 1-4, 6-7; Acts 10: 34-38; Matthew 3: 13-17

 Text: “After Jesus was baptized, he came up from the water and behold, the heavens were opened (for him), and he saw the Spirit of God descending like a dove (and) coming upon him.” (Matthew 3: 16)

 Meditation: We, too, at our baptism were filled by the Holy Spirit and we have become “Spirit-filled persons”.  Let us, then, honor the HS in us and let the Spirit continue to be at work in our lives… By the power of the same Spirit, we become God’s own sons and daughters

 DHIKR SIMPLE METHOD

 1st step: Write the text or Dhikr (the Arabic word for REMEMBRANCE) in your heart.

2nd step: Let the text remain always in on your lips and mind - RECITING the text silently as often as possible...

3rd step:  Be attentive to the disclosure of the meaning/s of the text in your life.

Special Prayer for Peace in South Sudan

We appeal to all people of goodwill to Pray for Peace in the new Republic of South Sudan. UN reports stated that over a thousand casualty and over 200 thousands are now displaced.  While there is a scheduled peace negotiation in Adis Ababa, Ethiopia, the parties have still have to put in place a cessation of hostilities or ceasefire. The  ethnic divides continue to hound the new Republic.

• Pray for the cessation of hostility between the government forces and the rebels;
• Pray that all protagonists come to the peace negotiating table and negotiate for the common good of the Republic of South Sudan;
• Pray that the new nation finds solution to the ethnic divides and work for a social cohesion - the thread that would bind all South Sudanese notwithstanding the ethnicity; and
• Pray for the victims of the renewed hostility.

Web Master

The Feast of the Epiphany of the Lord (A)

Dhikr for the Feast of the Epiphany of the Lord (A)

Readings: Isaiah 60: 1-7; Ephesians 3: 2. 5-6; Matthew 2: 1-12

Text: “They were overjoyed at seeing the star, and on entering the house they saw the child with Mary his mother. They prostrated themselves and did him homage.  Then they opened their treasures and offered him gifts of gold, frankincense, and myrrh.”  (Matthew 2: 10-11)

Meditation: This feast celebrates the manifestation of the Lord to the Magi… They saw his star and followed it until they saw the child, the savior.  We need to see, too, his star and follow it in our daily journey and hoping that one day, we shall find him and pay him homage… For this to happen, we need to be able to discern the signs of the times.

DHIKR SIMPLE METHOD

1st step: Write the text or Dhikr (the Arabic word for REMEMBRANCE) in your heart.

2nd step: Let the text remain always in on your lips and mind - RECITING the text silently as often as possible...

3rd step:  Be attentive to the disclosure of the meaning/s of the text in your life.

The Feast of the Holy Family (A)

Dhikr for the Feast of the Holy Family (A)

Readings: Sirach 3: 2-6, 12-14; Colossians 3: 12-21; Matthew 2: 13-15, 19-23

Text: “…behold, the angel of the Lord appeared to Joseph in a dream and said, "Rise, take the child and his mother, flee to Egypt, and stay there until I tell you. Herod is going to search for the child to destroy him." (Matthew 2: 13)

 Meditation:  Like the Holy Family, there are times that we need simply “to flee” until the “tempest” is gone else we are destroyed…  The important thing is to discern God’s voice within us. God's message leads to a new understanding not only of ourselves but of the reality out there...

SPECIAL PRAYER FOR THE PEOPLES OF SOUTH SUDAN THAT THEY MAY BE ABLE TO WITHSTAND THE PRESENT TEMPEST THAT THREATEN THE VERY FIBER OF SOCIAL COHESION OF THE NEW NATION...

 DHIKR SIMPLE METHOD

 1st step: Write the text or Dhikr (the Arabic word for REMEMBRANCE) in your heart.

2nd step: Let the text remain always in on your lips and mind - RECITING the text silently as often as possible...

3rd step:  Be attentive to the disclosure of the meaning/s of the text in your life.

Bapa Jun Mercado, OMI

4th Sunday of Advent (A)

4th Sunday of Advent (A): Readings: Isaiah 7: 10-15; Romans 1: 1-7; Matthew 1: 18-24

The short reflection is taken from the Gospel reading: “The angel of the Lord appeared to him in a dream and said, ‘Joseph, son of David, do not be afraid to take Mary your wife into your home. For it is through the Holy Spirit that this child has been conceived in her.  She will bear a son and you are to name him Jesus, because he will save his people from their sins’."  (Matthew 1: 20-21)

In facing life’s challenges, we are, often, afraid.  The message to us is similar to Joseph… ‘DO NOT BE AFRAID’. Trust in God… He is with us!

I considered some of the awful things my parents and grandparents had seen in their lifetimes: two world wars, Nuclear Explosions in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, killer flu, polio and small fox. But they saw other things, too, better things: the end of two world wars, the polio vaccine, and the post War Reconstruction and the space travels.

I believe that my generation will see better things, too -- that we will witness the time when AIDS is cured and cancer is defeated; when the Middle East will find peace and Southern Philippines will find the peace formula. Ever since I was a little kid, whenever I've had a bad day, my mom would put his arm around me and promise me that "tomorrow will be a better day." I challenged my mother once, "How do you know that?" she said, "I just do." I believed him. My grandparents did, and so do I.

What the future holds for the next generation, when I hear them speak ‘tomorrow’. I, too, want to put my arm around them, and tell them what the Angel Gabriel told Joseph:  “DO NOT BE AFRAID” Trust in God… He is with us!  Don't worry, tomorrow will be a better day. This, I believe.

Bapa Jun Mercado, OM

2nd Sunday of Advent (A)

Dhikr for the 2^nd Sunday of Advent (A)

Readings: Isaiah 11: 1-10; Romans 15: 4-9; Matthew 3: 1-12

Text: In those days John the Baptist appeared, preaching in the desert of Judea (and) saying, "Repent, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand!" (Matthew 3: 1-2)

Meditation:  The reign of God is at hand… it finds home only in a repentant heart.  Change our old ways and bad habits!  After receiving the Baptism of Repentance,  we make visible our commitment to new life.   This takes courage…!

DHIKR SIMPLE METHOD...

1st step: Write the text or Dhikr (the Arabic word for REMEMBRANCE) in your heart.

2nd step: Let the text remain always in on your lips and mind - RECITING the text silently as often as possible...

3rd step:  Be attentive to the disclosure of the meaning/s of the text in your life.